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Outlines and limits of the pre-Calchaquí iconographic universe of the Santa María Valley
Outlines and limits of the pre-Calchaquí iconographic
universe of the Santa M aría Valley
María Cristina Scattolin1
DIntroduction
Abstract
This article offers a characterisation of pre-Santamariana
ceramics from Santa María Valley, Catamarca, Argentina.
More than 300 ceramic vessels from old collections are
examined. During the first millennium AD, the attributes
“dorsal-ventral symmetry”, “effigy vessel”, “oblique
neck”, and several others, were currently used and reflect a
common trend, a habit, in shaping fine vessels. The analysis
seeks to contribute and to adjust cultural chronological
and symbolic legitimation models for the central area of
Northwest Argentina. The results confirm that the material
remains attributed to Aguada style are barely represented in
Santa María Valley, and integrative effects originated from
Ambato or Hualfín Valley do not occur. On the contrary, the
populations of Santa María Valley consumed vessels whose
making techniques and design ways were shared with the
Southern Selvas Occidentales, Tafí Valley, Tapia-Trancas
Basin, Cajón Valley, and Southern Calchaquí Valley.
Key words: pottery – style – Northwestern Argentina
– iconography.
Received: october 2005. Accepted: january 2006
1 Museo Etnográfico Universidad de Buenos Aires, Moreno 350, 1091
Buenos Aires, ARGENTINA. Email: [email protected]
2 Sensu Wolf and Kuhn (1977 [1952]), who delineate the differences between this term and the more widespread term “bilateral symmetry”:
both classes have two lateral reflections but dorso-ventral bodies have
a different front and back; in bodies with bilateral symmetry no front
and back can be distinguished.
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The work of Liberani and Hernández (1950 [1877]) in
the Santa María or Yocavil Valley (Figure 1) is remembered as the founding archaeological work in the history of
the discipline in Argentina. Of all the objects obtained
at that time, there are only two ceramic pieces which we
now know to have belonged to the first millennium AD
(Figure 2a and b).
The vessels are of "black mud" and do not have a circular
outline – they do not generate "rotatable solids" – but
their shapes present dorso-ventral symmetry. Moreover
in one of them the volume, legs and tail are zoomorphic
features, while the neck is set obliquely, at an angle. Today I believe that these forms, or more specifically the
attributes “dorso-ventral symmetry", “effigy vessel" and
“oblique or pouring neck", were fairly common in the
valley; in other words this early testimony fully reflects
what would have been a current trend in the manufacture of “fine" vessels during the first millennium AD. In
this work I will try to sustain this idea by offering a characterisation of the pre-Santamariano ceramics found in
various collections.
The fact that the first archaeological work done in Argentina reports on what would later come to be known
as the Formative Period (600 BC-900 AD) would seem
to augur that information on the period would multiply
rapidly; and yet it was immediately relegated to such an
extent that the Formative pottery of Yocavil is, paradoxically, one of the least known types of north-western
Argentina (N.W.A.).3 Indeed, to this day there are no
3 In the archaeology of N.W.A. the Formative Period is the period of
farming and grazing village communities, during which hierarchical
inequalities would have developed. There are detailed chronologies
which sub-divide the period, but here we will take it provisionally in
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María Cristina Scattolin
Figure 1. The Santa María or Yocavil valley and its surroundings.
stylistic studies focusing on this type of pottery. The
image of these styles is not that of the first two vessels
found, which are largely forgotten, but an image which
been adapted to what is known of other places, particularly the styles known as Ciénaga and Aguada (González
1963).
This opacity of the pre-Santamariano archaeological re-
cord is due to a series of factors: the severe looting of the
area, the lack of associative context for the pieces, the expatriation of large collections to other countries leading
to a scarcity of illustrative reference material allowing
excavation fragments to be compared with whole pieces,
the discontinuity of studies, and also the lack of a carbon-14 dating of pre-Late materials until almost the year
2000 (see Scattolin 2000, 2004 Ms).
the broad sense (sensu Núñez Regueiro 1974), which includes the farmer-potter archaeological occupations or components prior to the Late
or Regional Developments Period (of agglomerated villages and established chiefdoms which later formed federations against the Spanish,
like the Calchaquí groups), the start of which is postulated around “the
end of the 9th century” and which present the Santamariano ceramic
style (Tarragó et al. 1997). At the other extreme, the oldest dating for a
presumably formative context in the Yocavil Valley may be around 500
BC (Muñoz and Stenborg 1999: 200). To situate the reader in the larger ambit of the Andean area, he/she must remember that this lapse of
time is contemporary with the Formative, the Early Intermediate and
the Middle Horizon of the South-Central Andes area, terms which –
due to a peculiar national tradition – are not used in Argentina. One
part of this lapse was called the Early Period (600 BC-650 AD) and the
other the Middle Period (650-850 AD) by A. R. González, who recognises as the dividing point the occurrence of materials attributed to the
“Aguada Culture” (González 1963, 1964).
The need to overcome the lack of definition for the period resulted in a tendency to model it by reference to
elements defined earlier in areas outside Santa María,
basically further south, notably Hualfín-Alamito where
most of the names of Formative ceramic types and cultures from the valleys were first established. This may be
clearly seen in the date-chart proposed by A. R. González (1963: Fig. 14), which was widely disseminated in Argentina and abroad. Briefly, it is understood that before
1000 AD, the Santa María Valley was occupied successively by the “Condorhuasi, Ciénaga and Aguada cultures", represented by their homonymous styles (González
1963). There is a tendency to suppose that the changes in
the material culture of the valley resulted from the same
processes which occurred elsewhere. But this transfer of
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Outlines and limits of the pre-Calchaquí iconographic universe of the Santa María Valley
Collections of the Santa María Valley and surroundings
Zavaleta, Chicago a
Zavaleta, Berlín a
Zavaleta, Buenos Aires a
Schreiter, Gotemburgo
Schreiter, Berlín
Schreiter, Buenos Airesb
Schreiter, P Posse, Peirano, Tucumán
Schreiter, Viena c
Schreiter, Leipzig
Methfessel, La Plata
Uhle, Berlínc
Bruch, Weiser, Ten Kate, La Plata
La Vaulx, Crequi-Momfort, Paris
Von Tschudi, Leipzig
Salvatierra, Buenos Aires
Breyer, Buenos Aires
Bravo, Cafayate
Museo de Quilmes
Vázquez, Santa María
Univ. de Rosario (ex Litoral)
Aparicio, Buenos Aires
Liberani
No. of pieces mentioned
References
4500
4504
11 590d
400
173
800
450
1900?
?
1400
522
?
11 0
?
638
400
?
?
80e
?
203
2
≈ 28000
Archivos Field Museum N. H.
González 1983, Muñoz 2002 Ms.
Zavaleta 1906
Stenborg y Muñoz 1999
González 1983, Muñoz 2002 Ms.
Tarragó 1999
Archiv Inst. de Arqueología
Becker Donner 1951-52
Stenborg y Muñoz 1999
Moreno 1890-91
Muñoz 2002 Ms.
Archivos Museo de La Plata
Archivos Musee de l’Homme
Von Tschudi 1866-69
Catálogos Museo Etnográfico
Catálogos Museo Etnográfico
Carrara et al. 1961 Ms.
Pelissero y Difrieri 1981
Museo Eric Boman
Archivos Esc. de Antropología
Catálogos Museo Etnográfico
Liberani y Hernández 1950 [1877]
Formative vessels studied
88 f
8
21f
4
38f
36f
17
30
27
11
5f
20
2
307
Table 1. Numbers of pieces recorded in various articles, documents and collection archives from the Yocavil Valley and the surrounding
area. a Includes a small number of materials from Tafí del Valle. b Also includes materials from the north of Tucumán and La Candelaria.
c
Also includes materials from other valleys. d Approximately 6,200 are carved arrow-heads. e Only exclusively pre-Santamariano ceramic
pieces. There are also gold, silver and stone objects. f This number represents virtually all the Formative receptacles in the collections named,
which have been reviewed exhaustively. The rest of the collections have not yet been completely examined.
the Hualfín cultural and chronological model cannot be
assumed without investigation. 4 For this reason, some
years ago we started to record and study old collections
of artefacts. Examination of the material, and especially
its peculiar iconographic universe and the forms displayed, allow us to propose some considerations on symbolic legitimation through representations between the
populations of the first millennium AD.
4 In the history of the archaeology of N.W.A., the Hualfín cultural sequence introduced a rupture with the previous way of thinking which
lacked historical depth (González 1998). With time however, for reasons associated with vulgarisation, dissemination and routine teaching
in schools, an effect occurred of crystallisation and routine reiteration
of knowledge which was not inherent in the original rupturist thought,
and which led to the assumption that this sequence was applicable to
all of N.W.A. Furthermore, in the framework of the “international circulation of ideas”, this acritical reproduction of the prevailing cultural
chronological model is probably even stronger outside Argentina, due
to the “structural misunderstandings” which occur “between the production field and the reception field” and to the fact that the “transfer
[of ideas] from a national to a wider field occurs through a series of
social operations” (Bourdieu 1990).
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As indicated by Table 1, tens of thousands of objects
have been sent to museums; and although the majority
of them have no context, they still offer great potential
for developing new studies. In this work I will refer only
to the pre-Santamariano part of such collections. Definition of a vessel as pre-Calchaquí or pre-Santamariano,
Formative or pre-Late – approximate terms which I use
here as synonyms – is based on stylistic attributes, form,
manufacture and decoration, since almost all the vessels
available have no associative data, and the only information is their provenance. While this approach is far from
perfect, for now there is no other way of establishing time
distinctions, although an alternative method of digs and
datings is being attempted in parallel (Scattolin 2004
Ms). However, until a significant number of sites have
been excavated and dated, providing a better temporal
resolution on which to base a detailed chronological model, the alternative is to do nothing. I therefore propose to take the risk and I hope that I will be permitted to
speak in lax terms of this first millennium AD, although
I recognise that within this lapse it should be possible to
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Graph 1. Provenance of the pieces.
distinguish differences in temporal signification between
the objects that we are trying to elucidate here (Scattolin
2004 Ms).
It should also be noted that the majority of the ceramic
pieces of the collections discussed here probably do not
come from middens, dwellings and domestic deposits,
i.e. the units commonly excavated nowadays. They are
more likely to have come from special deposits or tombs,
the extraction units preferred by collectors looking for
the whole “beautiful" pieces which they are interested in
acquiring (Pérez de Micou 1998). This is apparent from
the almost total absence from these collections of ordinary receptacles, e.g. pots for cooking and food storage,
in contrast to dwelling sites where the presence of broken
pottery and objects of everyday use is common.
Thus when we speak of these vessels we do not refer to
the whole gamut of domestic items used in the past, but
to a sub-set of vessels which in general terms we can call
“fine". Disregarding their strictly utilitarian purpose as
containers, mostly cups and jugs, they would have been
used on an occasional or intermittent basis in contexts
of representation, display or special use. At these times
their functions and significations, not manifest in mere
instrumental use, would perhaps have been activated,
for example: in funeral processions, burial ceremonies
and grave furnishings; for serving food and drink in cult
practices, votive rites, liturgies, assemblies, celebrations
and processions; safe-keeping of treasured possessions
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in hiding-places; conservation, transport and administration of potions, beverages, medicines, etc. Indeed, the
small size of some of these vessels and their particular
silhouettes make them unsuitable for a wide range of
practical functions. They are therefore suitable for the
study of symbolic representations.
The vessels have been recorded in various ways: photos,
catalogue entries, drawings, and in most cases certain dimensions and features of their shape, surface finish and
decoration, and some macroscopic properties of the paste where possible, especially in pieces with fractures. Several hundred slides have been collected so far, a similar
number of record cards, various databases of individual
collections, museum catalogues and drawings. However
the compilation of evidence has not ceased and remains
an on-going task. Five of these collections have been reviewed completely and the rest only partially.
For this first presentation we have examined the formal
and stylistic attributes of 307 vessels from some 20 locations in Yocavil (Graph 1), analysing the following variables: colour, decorative treatment, decorative motifs,
outline of the horizontal section, type of neck and the
use of representation in effigy.
Stylistic characterisation
Of the whole sample of pre-Late receptacles from Yocavil
(n=307), 78% (n=236) are decorated and 22% (n=71) are
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Outlines and limits of the pre-Calchaquí iconographic universe of the Santa María Valley
Figure 2. a and b) Andalhuala and Quilmes in the Santa María valley (taken from Liberani and Hernández 1950 [1877]); c) Woman
bearing a pitcher, grey polished, Quilmes (No. 100754, Col. Zavaleta, Chicago); d) Vessel in the form of a woman, beige polished, Cafayate (No. 100614, Col. Zavaleta, Chicago); e) Vessel in the form of a woman, Tolombón (Museo Etnográfico); f) Vessel in the form of a
woman, brown polished, Santa María (taken from González 1977).
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Graph 2. Figurative motifs.
Figure 3. a) Black polished beaker, Amaicha (Nº. 100.680 Col. Zavaleta, Chicago); b) Grey polished vessel, Cafayate (Nº. 6501/685/06
Col. Zavaleta, Berlin); c) Pot (broken neck), Cafayate (Nº. 88518 Col. Schreiter, Vienna; taken from Becker-Donner 1951-52); d) Santamariano urn from the Late Period (Museo Etnográfico).
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not. 185 pieces are grey or grey-black and the rest are divided between beige (n=41), red (n=28), dark grey (n=24),
black (n=14), dark-brown (n=10), red-brown (n=4) and
red-black (n=1). 40% of the pieces (n=126) are decorated
with non-figurative incisions which I will discuss here
very briefly.
However the most remarkable feature is that a quarter of
the vessels (n=79; 26%) are in the form of an effigy or a
face, i.e. their shape involves representation of a person
or some other motif (prosopomorphic vessels). The basic
techniques used in the decorative treatment include modelling and adhesion of strips to pastillage, and incision.
The creatures most commonly represented are human
beings and birds. Indeed, half of the effigy-vessels have
anthropomorphic features (n=40, including zoo-anthropomorphs), of which five can be identified as female by
their secondary sexual characteristics, while none has
been identified as male. There is a large proportion of
ornithomorphs and a smaller number of other types of
zoomorph (various indeterminate, several armadillos,
two felines, a rodent, a batrachian, etc.; see Graph 2).
One piece represents the theme of “woman bearing a
pitcher", made in semi-polished grey ceramic, with modelled face and legs and a very prominent vulva (Figure
2). A second female specimen, which presents an orifice
between the legs and large buttocks, is more accurately
described as a hollow figure; it shows traces of pastillage and pointed incisions. Another specimen is the vessel
that was the prototype for the description of the Candelaria style (González 1977: 141). There is also a piece from
Tolombón with a marked vulva and bulky legs, although
in a different style. A fifth female vessel was reproduced
by González (1977: Fig. 70).
The rest of the anthropomorphic specimens maintain
the decorative characteristics of modelling, incisions and
pastillage to represent human features (Figures 2 and
3). In general the face appears in the vessel's neck. There
are also human figures with their arms arched over their
breasts (as in the vessels representing women), carrying
something in their hands or simply with the representation of a face. Sometimes the face takes up the whole
vessel (n=10).
Gombrich (1999 [1979]) calls these pieces generically
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"animated receptacles" and considers that they all have
an apotropaic or protective function, stressing the practical aspect of the symbolic representations. In his studies
of the psychology of art he says that very deeply rooted
perceptive habits exist and that:
“… whether or not this habit has an innate component, it is remarkable that we tend to project faces in particular in any configuration that offers a remote possibility of such a transformation. This
tendency may help to justify certain decorative motifs which must
have arisen independently in many parts of the globe. The bulky
shape of the jar, intended to hold liquids, is often endowed with
eyes and other facial features to make it look like a head or a bird,
or to give it the appearance of a complete, majestic figure... we will
see that these and other similar 'animation' customs are frequently
reinforced by a belief in the efficacy of the eyes, paws or claws as a
protection against evil" (Gombrich 1999 [1979]: 171).
“... we know that the tendency towards 'animation' of vessels is
universal. And here it is undoubtedly reinforced by the equally universal belief in the 'apotropaic' power of eyes or masks"
(Gombrich 1999 [1979]: 259).
It could certainly be seen as a historical tendency – apparently a habit – in Yocavil. There was a clear affinity between this pre-Santamariano practice of making vessels
in human shape and the manufacture of the well-known
Santamariano funeral urns of the Late Period with faces
on the neck and arms arched over the breast, many carrying a small vessel in their hands. This suggests that we
should investigate the existence of a certain continuity, or
fidelity to certain formulae in the manufacture of some
pieces throughout the history of the valley (Figure 3).
The ornithomorphic representations follow the same
manufacture and plastic decoration processes, suggesting that the bird motif, created by the application of little
wings or a beak, is also a frequent iconographic resource
(Figure 4).
There are other popular characteristics of the sample
which deserve mention. Three quarters of the specimens
are of circular outline, but in the other quarter the outline
presents the dorso-ventral symmetry normally associated with effigy vessels (Graphs 3 and 4, Figure 4). We
would like to stress the high frequency of this stylistic
resource, mentioned at the beginning of the work.
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Figure 4. a) Ornithomorphic beaker, grey-dark-brown polished, San Isidro, Cafayate (Nº 100756 Col. Zavaleta, Chicago); b) Ornithomorph, Calchaquí south – Yocavil north (taken from Becker Donner 1951-52); c) Ornithomorph, Calchaquí south – Yocavil north (taken
from Becker Donner 1951-52); d) Effigy beaker, Quilmes (Nº 6409/685/06 Col. Zavaleta, Berlin); e) Pot with cord of appliqué dots,
Santa María Valley (Nº 1379 Col. Peirano, Instituto de Arqueología de Tucumán; f) Vaquerías beaker, red on cream, Chuscha, Cafayate
(Nº 138, Col. R. Bravo; taken from Carrara at al. 1961); g, h) Two pouring jugs, Lampacito (Scattolin et al. 2005); i) Brown pouring jug,
Lampacito (Scattolin et al. 2005); j) Bottle with figures smoking pipes, Banda de Arriba, Cafayate (taken from Lo Celso 2004); k, l)
Pot and bowl, grey incised, Lampacito (Scattolin et al. 2005); m, n, ñ) Vessel, smooth red polished and black polished with small appliqué birds, and a complex incised vessel, grey and black, Banda de Arriba, Cafayate (Scattolin et al. 2005); o, q, s) Vessels, red polished,
Lampacito (Scattolin et al. 2005); p) Cup, cream polished, Lampacito (Scattolin et al. 2005); r) Anthropomorph, grey-black incised, El
Bañado (taken from Pelissero and Difrieri 1981); t, u) Cups, black incised, Banda de Arriba and Santa María (Scattolin et al. 2005); v)
Vessel, red polished, Banda de Arriba, (Scattolin et al. 2005); w) Vessel, black and red on white, Banda de Arriba, Cafayate (Scattolin et al.
2005); x) Cup, red incised, Banda de Arriba (Scattolin et al. 2005). Not to scale.
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Another remarkable stylistic property is that the neck is
inclined or off-centre (pourer) in 57 of the 307 vessels
(18% of the total and 31% of the pieces with a neck, see
Graph 5 and Figure 4). A large number of these very popular pouring jugs are smooth, others are modelled and
incised effigy vessels, while others again have incised
decoration consisting of hatched zones. A piece with an
oblique profile from El Bañado at the head of the Santa
María Valley, now in the collection of Universidad de Rosario (Tarragó and Scattolin 1999: Fig. 2g), is associated
with a carbon-14 dating of 1375±40 BP (Ua-20627, 628675 Cal. AD, 1 sigma). Heredia isolated this particular
silhouette, with dorso-ventral symmetry and neck with
a tilted border, as proper to the north of the Santa María
Valley and the south of the Calchaquí Valley. He considered that it represented an independent "culture" which
he called San Carlos and which was partly contemporaneous and analogous with the Ciénaga de Hualfín culture, but distinct from that region (Heredia 1974: 112;
Heredia et al. 1974, cit. in Tarragó 1989: 468-471; Tarragó and Scattolin 1999: 143).5 Two funerary sites recently
discovered in Lampacito and Banda de Arriba de Cafayate contain several dozen vessels, half a dozen of which
are pouring jugs (Lo Celso 2004; Scattolin et al. 2005).
A carbon-14 dating places Lampacito between the end
of the sixth century AD and the first half of the seventh
(AA-59414, 1446±36 BP; 595-655 Cal. AD, 1 sigma).
Turning to the non-figurative designs, the use of zones
with incised filling or hatching seems to be fairly common, and this feature is shared with other styles of the
first millennium AD such as incised Candelaria and incised Ciénaga (Graphs 6 and 7). Several of the pieces are
painted with geometrical designs in black on cream or
red on cream. Other non-figurative designs are executed
5 Heredia's definition of this hypothetical archaeological culture remained unfinished and unpublished. He presented his proposal at the III
Argentinean National Archaeology Congress in Salta in 1974. The following year Heredia was dismissed from his position; he was forced to
leave the country in 1976. On his return in 1987 he did not return to the
study of the Formative Period in Santa María north – Calchaquí south
but devoted himself to research in the Ambato region. He died in 1989.
Perhaps because his work remained unpublished, neither the evidence offered nor the ideas proposed were incorporated into the current
synthesised schemes of the cultural history of N.W.A.; while other preHispanic cultures became reified as a result of taking root in school and
popular knowledge, the notion of this supposed culture conceived by
Heredia has remained unnoticed.
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Graph 3. Effigy / no effigy.
Graph 4. Horizontal section.
Graph 5. Pouring / non-pouring neck.
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by A. R. González (Archive Acc. 894, FMNH Chicago,
1973). Perhaps Heredia would also have classified them
in this way, since he says that he found fragments of this
kind in the Yocavil Valley (Heredia et al. 1974 cit. in Tarragó and Scattolin 1999). A similar painted ceramic defined
as Aguada bi-coloured has been found in the Morro del
Fraile site, and Aguada tri-coloured in the El Carmen-2
site, close to Quilmes (Nastri et al. 2006).
Graph 6. Decorative treatment.
Graph 7. Figurative / non-figurative decoration.
by incising or carving on grey or almost black pieces, e.g.
circles of ovals used to fill areas or between parallel lines
(Figure 5 a-f); similar designs are found in pieces of the
Candelaria de Pampa Grande style (Ambrosetti 1906:
Fig. 149-6).
A small number of specimens present non-figurative
designs painted in black on cream or black and red on
cream: circles, spirals or concentric ovals, triangles with
curved sides and polygons filled with spots or spots
between lines (Figures 5, 6 and 7). For example, in the
Zavaleta-Chicago collection there are two pieces, (Figure
5 j, k) with non-figurative decoration painted in black on
cream (No. 100589) and in black and red on cream (Nº
100492) which were classified as "Aguada decadent"6
128
On the other hand, Serrano (1966: 67) would surely have
classified these pieces under “Guachipas polychrome",
which he distinguished for the north of the Santa María
Valley and the south of the Calchaquí valley, since they
present attributes such as “curious figures in the shape
of rose thorns", some filled with spots (Figure 7 c, g). Something similar occurs in certain fragmentary materials
collected in the 1940s by F. de Aparicio in Tolombón (Figure 6 a, Col. Aparicio, Museo Etnográfico); and the recently discovered Lázaro site – also in Tolombón – with
a fenced enclosure in which are several stone platforms,
which contains superficial ceramics similar to “the styles
defined by Serrano as Guachipas polychrome or a local
Aguada painted..." (Williams 2003: 171). Furthermore,
this ceramic presents attributes which it shares with the
San Rafael painted type defined for the Calchaquí Valley
by Raffino et al. (1982: Plate I: 2, 6 and 7). Fragments
with similar characteristics were designated by Heredia
as Rupachico polychrome type for the Eastern Yungas
(Heredia 1974). These features constitute a stylistic fashion in use in the Yocavil Valley and several neighbouring zones. Similar vessels to these would also have been
used in puna sites like Tebenquiche or San Pedro de
Atacama (Figure 7 d, e; see Krapovickas 1955: 29, Fig. 6;
Costa and Llagostera 1994: 84). According to Krapovickas (1955: 30): “The identity of the drawings is such that
we could say that our specimen from Tebenquiche and
6 With this term González refers to the supposedly later ceramic pieces
which, after the apogee of the Aguada Culture, represent its decline during which complete feline figures can no longer be recognised but only
their disaggregated attributes, particularly fully-coloured or reticulated
ovals which González supposes to represent the spots of the jaguar.
For him this would be an independent type of ceramic (1964: 212, 221,
246; for a variant of this idea, see Sempé and Albeck 1981). Certain
interpretations and designations of the Aguada Culture by González
appear to be modelled on Bennett's categories for the Tiwanaku, especially the use of the terms "classic" and "decadent".
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Figure 5. a) Human figure with ear modelling, grey-black, Chuscha, Cafayate (Nº 412, Col. Bravo; taken from Carrara et al. 1961); b)
Rear view of the same vessel showing incised chequer pattern filled with lines and ovals; c) Vessel, incised black, vicinity of Cafayate (Col.
Bravo); d) Tall jar, grey black incised, Santa María Valley (Museo Etnográfico); e) “Tame feline” with incised ovals, Santa María Valley
(Col. Zavaleta, Chicago; taken from Ambrosetti 1896-99); f) Four-pointed bowl, grey with incised rhomboids filled with lines and ovals,
Yocavil North – Calchaquí South (Nº 88886, Col. Schreiter, Vienna; taken from Becker-Donner 1951-52); g) Bowl, incised from Morro
Espinillas; h) Bowl, Guachipas polychrome (Col. Bravo; taken from Carrara et al. 1961); i) Pitcher, Guachipas polychrome, Divisadero,
Cafayate, Quilmes (Museo de Quilmes); j) Cup painted in black on cream, Amaicha (Nº 100589, Col. Zavaleta, Chicago); k) Vessel with
geometrical decoration black and red on cream, Yacochuya, Cafayate (Nº 100492, Col. Zavaleta, Chicago).
129
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María Cristina Scattolin
Figure 6. a) Fragments of Guachipas polychrome or Aguada decadent, Tolombón (Col. Aparicio, Museo Etnográfico); b) Fragments of
Guachipas polychrome or Aguada decadent, from Santa María (Col. Museo Escuela de Antropología, Rosario); c) Fragments, incised or
engraved (San Rafael engraved?), Santa María Valley (Col. Museo Escuela de Antropología, Rosario).
those from Tolombón, even if they did not come from the
same piece, must have been parts of identical vessels."
Despite the proliferation of designations for the same
stylistic habit, the researchers named agree in placing
this decorative manufacturing trend towards the end of
the first millennium AD. “Rose thorn" decorative motifs,
pointed triangles with curved, volute sides, which appear
on these pieces of the Colección Zavaleta, have not been
mentioned for the Aguada polychrome or classical style
(as opposed to Aguada "decadent").
Of the more than 300 specimens studied, there is only
one case of a vessel made in the Aguada grey engraved
style defined for Hualfín which bears the representation
130
of an anthropo-feline figure (Korstanje 1988). Not one
piece bears the image of the “warrior" or "sacrificer", or
of “trophy heads". Feline figures in any case bear little
relation to the emblematic images of felines in the contexts of Hualfín or Ambato. In the collections studied,
there are just two images of a “felinised llama" on grey
incised jars. There is also a “little tiger" with jaws, rather
coarse and with a twisted handle. Certain "feline" qualities, aggressiveness or ferocity, were observed on two
grey-black incised pieces from El Bañado, one obtained
by Bruch (1911: Fig. 25) and the other by Pelissero and
Difrieri (1981: Fig. 6), but neither of them are described
as "Aguada". Finally, there is a beautiful effigy of a modelled feline with spots indicated by incised circles or small
ovals, which seems to represent a very young cub at rest
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Estudios Atacameños
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Outlines and limits of the pre-Calchaquí iconographic universe of the Santa María Valley
Figure 7. a) Incised or engraved fragments (San Rafael engraved, Candelaria engraved, etc.) from the Yocavil Valley; b and c) Fragments
of Guachipas polychrome (taken from Serrano 1966); d) Fragment of Tebenquiche (taken from Krapovickas 1955); e) Bowl from Coyo,
San Pedro de Atacama (taken from Costa and Llagostera 1994); f) Fragments of San Rafael painted from the Calchaquí Valley (taken from
Raffino et al. 1982); g) Rupachico polychrome basins, Rupachico (taken from Heredia 1974).
with its front paws crossed, which might be described as
a "tame feline" (Figure 5e), since it lacks the attributes of
ferocity which characterise its counterparts from Hualfín and Ambato: jaws, claws and an aggressive posture
(Ambrosetti 1896-99: 533, Fig. 33). Thus we conclude
that the “warrior-sacrificer" from the imaginary of the
Aguada style is absent from this sample, while the “feline" or “uturunco" is notable for its scarce, even exceptional presence. It should be remembered that, in Santa
María at least, painted ovals and spirals also form part
of the figure of the snake or bird, and are not exclusively
feline attributes.
Having said that, it must certainly be recognised that
there are specimens in other collections which bear the
image of the “dragon" mentioned by various authors.
For example, in the Tolombón collection assembled by
131
Krapovickas and Lafón for the Museo Etnográfico, there
is a bowl (Nº 56-1) with a representation of a “lizard"
or “dragon" with a vermiform body and forked tongue,
which is not an "uturunco" (González and Baldini 1991:
Fig. 3d). In the same collection, a minute fragment forms
part of a representation of the “warrior", but it is very incomplete (Tarragó and Scattolin 1999: 147, Fig. 2e). One
single bowl shows an anthropomorph with feline headdress (Müller 1997-98). For all these reasons, the number of these pieces in the Aguada style in Yocavil does
not compare with the groups from further south. At the
moment, we know fewer than a dozen whole vessels in
the Aguada style from the whole Santa María Valley, and
they seem to belong to different regional micro-styles
(Table 2). This behaviour suggests that several of these
pieces in the figurative mode of the Aguada style may
have been made outside Santa María and brought there
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María Cristina Scattolin
from different directions; this would need to be verified.
Such a phenomenon of the sporadic appearance of pieces
in the Aguada style (and others) outside their areas of
provenance also occurs in other regions of north-western
Argentina and northern Chile, such as San Pedro de Atacama where a certain number of artefacts in this style
have been found (Tarragó 1989).
Among the pottery styles found in smaller quantities are
pieces in the Vaquerías and Condorhuasi styles (Figure
4f). In Banda de Arriba, Cafayate (Lo Celso 2004), a jar
was found in a highly idiosyncratic unnamed style, painted in black and red on white, with designs of bundles
of parallel lines and large spots (Figure 4w). “Sister" jars
to this have been found in Cachi, Calchaquí Valley (No.
10672 of Colección Zavaleta-Buenos Aires, Museo Etnográfico); in the Lerma Valley in Salta (Navamuel 1979);
and in San Pedro de Atacama in Chile (Tarragó 1989:
431), where they have been dated by thermoluminiscence to 1360±100 BP (620 AD): in tomb 4534 of Toconao
Oriente (Berenguer et al. suggest possible provenance
from Tarija [1986: 32-33, Fig. 17]), and there are also pots
and bowls in tombs 1647 and 1682 of Sequitor Oriental,
and a jar in Larrache, Callejón 1719 (Tarragó 1989: 431,
Fig. 55.9).
Summary of observations
If these 300 receptacles can be taken as a representative sample of “fine" pottery during the first millennium
AD, the populations of Yocavil, especially the northern
part of the valley, were habitual users of stylistic media,
decorative motifs, manual skills, technical designs and
manufacturing techniques which include:
- Frequent creation of vessels in the form of effigies or
faces.
- Creation of vessels with outline presenting dorso-ventral symmetry, apart from the common circular outline.
- Application of a pouring neck, inserted at an angle
and with an oblique profile, in a high proportion of
vessels, apart from the common vertical neck in a
central position and with a straight, horizontal border.
- Frequent anthropomorphic representations, the majority modelled: bodies, faces, isolated facial features,
indications of plaited hair, more upper limbs than
lower; in terms of indication of sex, to date more female than male specimens have been found.
- Frequent ornithomorphic representations, manifest
in the form of the vessel itself and in modelling to
Description
Collection
Provenance
Reference
1
"Curious beaker" from Santa María, according to Lafone Quevedo.
Polychrome paint with motif of snake-like body filled with ovals. Forked
tongue (?)
M.N. according to
Lafone. Today in Museo
Etnográfico?
Santa María
Lafone Quevedo 1908:
367, Fig 41.
2
Black engraved pot with four "dragons". C.f. pieces from the eastern slope:
Ambato, Tafí, Rupachico
Lafone Col. Quevedo,
Museo de La Plata.
Santa María
Lafone Quevedo 1908:
Plates V and VI.
3
Bowl with design of snake-like body with ovals, anthropomorphic head with
crown. Interior with a bird. Polychrome. “Puco Quiroga” according to Lafone
Quevedo.
Ethnographic Museum
Nº. 12411
Amaicha
Ambrosetti 1896 to
1899: Fig 56;. Lafone
Quevedo 1908: 368,
Fig 42;. Bregante 1926:
102.
4
Polychrome bowl with dragon. Vermiform body. Open mouth with multiple
tongue.
Col.Krapovickas and Lafon .
M. Ethnographic nº 56-1.
Tolombón
Gonzalez and Baldini
1991: Fig 3d .
5
Polychrome jar-timbale. Motif of serpentine body with ovals. Mouth with
forked tongue.
Col. Vasquez, Sta. Maria.
Andalhuala
Serrano 1966: Pl.
XXVIII 2.
6
Aguada grey bowl engraved with anthropo-feline figure.
Archaeology and Museum
Institute, Tucumán
Nº 4974 MA0844.
Santa Maria
Valley
Korstanje 1988.
7
Large, spherical pot, painted with geometrical decoration and
anthropomorphic face with eyes formed of oval spirals with tears.
Lafone Col. Quevedo,
Museo de La Plata.
Punta de
Balasto
Quevedo Lafone 1908
Plant VIIa.
8
Black engraved pot with anthropomorphs and zoomorphs with jaws. Cf.
pieces from the eastern slope: Ambato, Rupachico, Tafí
Lateran Museum, Nº 9676
Rome
Santa María
Müller 1997-1998
Fig .1.
Table 2. Whole vessels in the Aguada polychrome and Aguada engraved styles found in Yocavil.
132
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Estudios Atacameños
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Outlines and limits of the pre-Calchaquí iconographic universe of the Santa María Valley
represent the beak and wings.
- Production of fine pottery in different classes or series – one grey, grey-black and black and another
cream, beige and reddish – the different frequencies
of which may indicate temporal differences, with
grey-black being fairly habitual in the first part of the
first millennium AD while paste with no inclusions
and a fine, brick-red polished finish occurs principally in the second part of the millennium.
- High frequency in the use of incision with a singlepointed instrument, commonly for dots, lines and
reticulated zones. Modelling-pastillage is also very
frequent, while painted designs are less so (with temporal variations).
- Scarce use of incision for filling spaces with a multiple-pointed instrument (comb), in contrast to the
common use of this technique in the Ciénaga de
Hualfín style; and slight tendency to use of the feline
and anthropomorphic warrior motifs, defined for the
Aguada de Hualfín style.
- Painted decoration using concentric ovals, dots for filling, triangles with curved, volute sides in black and/
or red on natural paste with oxidising firing, possibly
in the second half of the first millennium AD.
It must be stressed that the sample analysed is not restricted to a single, unitary style, highly conventional and
easily codifiable, but that it seems to include pieces in
different manners. For this and other reasons, it cannot
be assumed that all the vessels studied are exclusively of
local manufacture; some must come from neighbouring
regions. These vessels seem therefore to refer to the sphere of local consumption rather than local production.
Further work is needed to resolve these questions. In the
first instance, in this work we have considered the most
usual tendencies, the most recurrent properties and the
most abundant regularities in the use of certain attributes, based on examples which can be compared with
objects of local provenance and safe, well-documented
associations, where possible dated. At present, new locations are being discovered with Formative archaeological units which contain whole vessels associated with a
single context (Aschero and Ribotta 2004 Ms; Lo Celso
2004; Scattolin et al. 2005), which has not been usual
in the past. To this comparison it will be possible to add,
in due course, closer analyses of the pastes used, the origin of the raw materials and the manual skills behind the
133
design of artefacts, i.e. elements which provide better
indicators of cultural identity/otherness (Shennan 1989;
Washburn 1989; Gosselain 2000).
Cultural chronological and symbolic legitimation
models
In view of the scarcity of elements of the Aguada figurative style and the presence of some frequently-used local
attributes, we must consider the limitations of a transposition of the chronological and cultural development
model from Hualfín to Santa María. In the first place,
this behaviour suggests that, in practical terms, finding
the figurative motifs of the sacrificer and the feline may
be very significant, but there is little reason to expect
that they will appear in dwelling sites in Santa María. In
surface collections examined during prospection in the
region their presence may serve as a time-indicator, but
their absence may result from other causes than time. In
this case, attributes such as special polishes, proportion
of oxidant/reducing paste, control of firing, particular
techniques and types of incisions, painted or engraved
concentric circles and other, less striking, non-figurative
decorative attributes would be more useful for detecting
the last stage of the first millennium AD in Yocavil.
If the names of types developed for one region are imported into another – often without it being shown that
they are applicable – problems may occur in ceramic classifications. Borrowing typologies from Hualfín-Alamito
– without previous analysis of their applicability – may
cause confusion when they are applied further north, as
in Santa María–Calchaquí. This uncontrolled use of typologies can lead to the assumption that the inhabitants
of Santa María were strongly influenced by groups from
further south. However “the origin of cultural change
rarely submits to proof and the putative direction of cultural influence" in pre-Hispanic history may be (falsely)
“determined by the place in which type names were first
defined by archaeologists" (Chilton 1999: 45). This must
be taken into consideration since the pre-Early ceramics
of various regions around Yocavil, such as the Lerma
Valley, mid and southern Calchaquí Valley, the adjacent
Puna, the Chaco–Santiago plateau, etc. are still little
known and above all little illustrated. This conspires to
balance the weight of different stylistic traditions in the
totality of cultural objects from Yocavil.
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María Cristina Scattolin
Analysis of these collections may provide a way of comparing hypotheses such as that of the “occupation of a
fairly continuous space" by the Aguada Culture – as a
“manifestation of integration at superstructure level"
(Núñez Regueiro and Tartusi 1993) – incorporating the
Santa María and Calchaquí Valley; and also the recent
idea on the presence of “Aguada colonies" in Yocavil,
following the “archipelago model", established to exploit “important deposits of mica" (Tartusi and Núñez
Regueiro 2001). Collections of artefacts, even without
context, could be a means for preliminary proof – limited but available – for embarking on indispensible comparisons, rather than unverified interpretations which
become rooted as knowledge.
If we look at the evolutionary arguments which underlie
division into periods, we must ask what the limits are of
symbolic legitimation through iconographic representations. The village societies of N.W.A. are currently under
investigation to explore their relative complexity, inequality, the emergence of hereditary political institutions,
introduction of chiefdoms, etc. (Núñez Regueiro and
Tartusi 1990, 2002; Pérez Gollán 2000). These discussions are based on the presence of architectural features
such as ceremonial centres, demographic concentration,
specialisation by craftsmen and the diffusion of certain
religious ideas as shown in a characteristic iconography. The innovative, integrating centre of these features
would have been the Ambato, Hualfín and/or Alamito
zone (according to different interpretations), more or less
at the time of the Tiwanaku in the Central-Southern Andes (Núñez Regueiro and Tartusi 1993; González 1998;
Pérez Gollán 2000). In other words, what is postulated
is an autonomous scaling of social complexity, an autochthonous origin of evolving development towards
hereditary social inequality. Around 1990 the term
“Regional Integration Period"7 was coined – replacing
Middle Period – precisely to stop the diffusionist bias of
earlier interpretations and to underline autarchy. In this
resignification of the concept, the iconographic motifs of
the personage with two sceptres, the warrior or sacrificer,
the collared, rampant jaguars, etc., would not indicate
7 The time boundaries of this period are still under debate; they could
be either from 600 to 1100 AD (Gordillo 2004; Marconetto 2005) or
from 300, 400 or 500 to 900 AD (González 1998: 68; Pérez Gollán
1998; Gordillo 1999).
134
the centrifugal influence of Tiwanaku, but an ideology
and a religion shared by the whole expanse of country
from Titicaca to Catamarca (Núñez Regueiro and Tartusi
1990, 2002; Pérez Gollán and Heredia 1990; Pérez Gollán 1991). This is why it is important to examine whether
the icons represented in Aguada figurative style vessels
would have been equally valid in Yocavil as legitimation
referents, and whether the symbolic action of the “sacrificer" with his cutting and stabbing weapons and his
trophy heads, would have the same effects that they are
said to have had in Hualfín, Ambato and other southern
valleys.
In the context of the present analysis, such propositions
lead us to wonder about the extension and degree achieved in the Yocavil area – if at all – by the “ideological
integration" postulated for the Regional Integration
Period, understood as an early phenomenon originating from and driven by the more southerly populations
over a large part of N.W.A. (Pérez Gollán 2000; Núñez
Regueiro and Tartusi 2002). According to the sample
analysed here, icons in Yocavil refer to a particular universe: prosopomorphic vessels, faces in relief with tattoos
or tear-marks, birds with extended wings, figures with
active or resting arms, some female figures. The Aguada
style as conceived in Hualfín or Ambato hardly appears
here. On the contrary, the style used quite frequently in
Yocavil seems rather to be the Guachipas style distinguished by Serrano (1966), or what Heredia (1974) called
the Aguada decadent style. The “feline obsession" (González 1964: 332) is not manifest in the sample analysed
here. The terrible figure of the “sacrificer" is invoked even
less. If the iconic representations of the warrior-sacrificer
and the "uturunco" in Ambato-Hualfín ceramics operated as means of symbolic legitimation, this resource was
not used in Santa María ceramics. There was no high
demand for such images. Even the painted concentric
ovals and spirals, at least as found in Yocavil, cannot be
attributed exclusively or projected automatically as a metonym of the feline of the Aguada style found at AmbatoHualfín. For this reason, considering the scarcity of the
self-confident, aggressive images of the Aguada ceramic
style, I think that the bases which govern symbolic legitimation through material culture, as postulated for Ambato or Hualfín, differ from those occurring in Yocavil. It
would be interesting to investigate whether this distinction was also expressed in other aspects of the material
Nº 32 / 2006
Estudios Atacameños
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Outlines and limits of the pre-Calchaquí iconographic universe of the Santa María Valley
world apart from the vessels presented here.
On the other hand, if the entity or culture known as
“Aguada", during the time known as the Regional Integration or Middle Period, presents the hierarchical and
ideologically integrating, dominant character proposed
by various researchers, it would be necessary to establish
in what circumstances the cause of its domination ceased to be effective; how and why its effects ceased to be
felt; and what strategies may have prevented the growth
of its power. The variety of stylistic resources used during the first millennium AD may help us to understand
the diversity of strategies displayed in the use of plastic
stylistic resources and in “technological choices" (Lemmonier 1992: 17) for the manufacture and decoration of
ceramics and other handicrafts. However the value of
such resources will depend on the context or field of cultural goods in which they are employed, and the rules for
use will change according to the strategies of the agents.
The value of the resources and the nature of the field are
specified mutually in the empirical study. For this reason we cannot establish from the outset, without analysis of the socio-historical context, whether for example
the non-representational decorative motifs (Aguada
decadent, Aguada bi-coloured, Guachipas polychrome,
San Rafael painted, Rupachico polychrome, etc.) reflect
a stylistic-technological lack or decadence, or constitute
a preferential negation in figurative decoration. In other
words, from this perspective, the principles and limits of
legitimation have still to be established in both empirical
and theoretical terms.
The results of our examination reveal the existence of similar stylistic resources and design habits between the
ceramic materials from the Santa María, Tafí and Cajón
Valleys and the southern Calchaquí Valley, apart from
common features in the settlement pattern. Furthermore, a fact which has not been emphasised to date is that
the ceramics of these areas also share attributes with the
Tapia-Trancas basin and the La Candelaria zone – which
is quite comprehensible as they are neighbouring areas8.
8 It is several hours on foot from the Santa María Valley to the Cajón
Valley in the west, and the same to the neighbouring eastern slope of
Las Yungas. Some 50 km, in a straight line, separate Cafayate from
Pampa Grande. It is around 40 km from Tolombón to Rupachico. On
the other hand the distance from the centre of the Santa María Valley to
the Hualfín Valley is around 150 km (see Figure 1).
135
For the moment, we do not know if the spatial cultural
variation detected in the materials, artefacts and styles
consumed through the Tapia-Trancas basin and the
Santa María, Tafí and Cajón Valleys and the southern
Calchaquí Valley during the second part of the first millennium is greater or less than the spatial cultural variation detected between the Catamarca, Ambato, Hualfín
and Abaucán Valleys during a similar period, which is
accounted for by integration. Quite apart from the fact
that we do not know the means of cultural integration/
fragmentation applied to determine that the so-called
“Aguada Culture" is one and the so-called “Candelaria
and Tafí Cultures" are two – when the three existed
contemporaneously for several centuries. This suggests
that we must reconsider the real degree of integration/
fragmentation and the social complexity which really affected the populations which consumed Aguada
style objects, and those which consumed objects of the
Candelaria–Tafí style. Present knowledge still does not
enable us to discern – until an exhaustive spatial analysis
is carried out – whether these variable features respond
to a continuous or discontinuous distribution model, or
to distinguish “whether artefact distributions overlap
at random or in a non-random way to form distinctive
groupings" (Hodder 1982: 7).
This study also suggests that cultural transmission and
the use of ceramic styles over time in the valley region of
N.W.A. may have operated in accordance with different
strategies by different social agents. For this reason the trajectories of change of the stylistic media may have taken diverse directions and have found expression in the different
formal variants developed by potters across the region.
Acknowledgements To the authorities and curators
of the collections studied: Jonathan Haas and Gary
Feinman, of the Field Museum of Natural History de
Chicago; Jette Sandahl and Adriana Muñoz, of the
Världskulturmuseet of Gothenburg; Jorgelina García
Azcárate and Carlos Aschero, of the Instituto de Arqueología y Museo de Tucumán; María Teresa Carrara,
of the Museo de la Escuela de Antropología de Rosario;
José Antonio Pérez Gollán, of the Museo Etnográfico de
Buenos Aires; Rodolfo Raffino, of the Departamento Arqueología del Museo de Ciencias Naturales de La Plata;
Marie Fauvet-Berthelot, of the Musée de l'Homme, Paris. To the Anthropology Department of the Facultad de
Nº 32 / 2006
Estudios Atacameños
Arqueología y Antropología Surandinas
María Cristina Scattolin
Ciencias Naturales y Museo de la Universidad de La Plata
which awarded me a FOMEC grant to study the Zavaleta
collection in Chicago. To the Världskulturmuseet which
also supported my research and my stay in Gothenburg.
To Myriam Tarragó for her generosity in providing me
with unpublished data. To Adriana Muñoz also for her
work in obtaining the dating for Bañado-La Vaquería.
To Carlos Aschero, Eduardo Ribotta, Javier Nastri, Alejandra Reynoso, Gabriel Pratolongo and Ana Vargas, for
allowing me access to their unpublished works. To Tim
Jull of Arizona AMS Laboratory, for his special attention
in the dating of Lampacito. To Lucas Pereyra Domingorena, for his efforts and his sharp eyes when looking for
vessels lost on the shelves.
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